Friday, October 25, 2019
History and Effects of Marijuana :: Marijuana Should NOT Be Legal
Marijuana is the common name for the hemp plant Cannabis sativa. Hemp grows in tropical and in warm temperate climates. Dried up grounded leaves and stems have been known for a long period of time to be used as a drug. Through out many different regions in the world and for centuries has been used. Other uses as in medical to relieve symptoms of illness . Throughout its long history, parts of the plant have been smoked, chewed, eaten, and even brewed for it effects on the human biochemistry. Marijuana, having over 400 chemicals and the main chemical, Tetrahydrocannabinol, or THC was noted to be found in the mid-1960s. Marijuana a Spanish name has many other names such as weed, pot, grass, reefer, Mary Jane, and ganja. Ã Ã Ã Ã Ã The history of marijuana appeared in the early 2700 B.C. in a Chinese manuscript. Explorers to the new world first observed it in 1545. It was considered to be a very useful crop and that the Jamestown settlers in 1607 began its cultivation. Later, Virginia, farmers were actually fined for not growing this plant. From the 17th to the mid 20th century marijuana was considered a household drug used from treating headaches, menstrual cramps, and toothaches. Between the years 1919-1938 a stronger plant was born by American drug companies it was called Cannabis Americana. Marijuana now being a, drug soon became popular among musicians who maintained that smoking gave them the inspiration they needed to play there music. Others began to get addicted to marijuana, it spread world wide to major cities such as Chicago, New York, Paris, and London. Ã Ã Ã Ã Ã Marijuana effects two main parts of the human body, the cardiovascular and the central nervous systems. Low doses of marijuana consists of a sense of well being and drowsiness/relaxation. As the doses increase other effects tend to come in, altered sense of time and sensory awareness, difficulty in memory such as remember last movements. Conversations are cut and thoughts are incomplete and exaggerated laughter also take place when doses are increased. At much higher to extreme doses, paranoia, hallucinations, panic attacks and delusions occur. Ã Ã Ã Ã Ã When the cardiovascular system is affected it does damage to the body such as increased heart rate and dilation of eye blood vessels. Marijuana smoking has been proven to raise the risk of heart attacks. Difficulty in body movement and coordination is also a long term effect also pains in the chest is.
Thursday, October 24, 2019
My Friendââ¬â¢s Most Important Decision Essay
Firstly, I would like to introduce my friend Jenny, who was born in China and now she is 25 years old. In 2011, she left her great job and came to the United States to pursue her master degree. Jenny decided to study in the United States and in particular at JWU because she wanted to study professional knowledge of management and have a master degree, she believe the U.S is the origin of the MBA program and JWU is famous for its hotel management program. First and foremost, after graduation, Jenny worked at the Beijing Branch of Education Service Center for about three years. She has great expectations for her career and she wants to get a high position but itââ¬â¢s difficult for her. She said,â⬠You can see my academic background, I never studied any business knowledge, if I want to get high promotion, to study professional knowledge of management and have a master degree is important for me.â⬠Thus, she wanted to get an MBA to get more knowledge of management and improve all kinds of abilities and help herself with her career objective. Another reason why she decided to study in the U.S. is because she believe that the United States is the origin of the MBA program. The United Statesââ¬â¢ MBA program pays more attention to practical skills and ability development, like communication, leadership, control, decision making, influence and entrepreneurship. She thinks studying in America can advance her career and make her more competitive in her field. She said to me, ââ¬Å"Americanââ¬â¢s Hospitality management program is very strongâ⬠. Because in America , many universities are famous for this program, like: Cornell University, University of Houston, Pennsylvania State University, and the U.S. also has some famous hotel, like: Hilton Grand Vacations, New York Hotel and so on. Thus, she believes America is a good place for her to study this major. Most of all, Johnson & Wales university is famous for its hotel management program. She has a friend who is currently studying hotel management at JWU, and her friend told her some advantages about this university, especially teaching resources on management is quite good. After that, she searched a lot of information on the internet, and found that JWU was suitable for her. She said,â⬠this university is career-oriented school, especially pay attention to studentsââ¬â¢ practical skill development, like communication, decision making, entrepreneurship and leadership abilityâ⬠. Many students who graduate from JWU can get into big companies like Hilton Hotel, so she believes studying at JWU can make her more competitive in the future. For these reasons and more, Jenny decided that in order to make herself more marketable that she needed to leave her job in China and move to the United States in order to learn professional knowledge and extend her education. Therefore, Jenny, my best friend, chose to study in the United States in an MBA program and in particular at JWU with a concentration in Hospitality.
Tuesday, October 22, 2019
Spain and Devolution Research Paper Example
Spain and Devolution Research Paper Example Spain and Devolution Paper Spain and Devolution Paper Of the three states Spain has by far the most difficult regional problem; it has also in place the the most radical of the regionalising projects. Spains regional problem has two interrrelated dimensions: that of persuading the two principal unassimilated peripheries Catalonia and the Basque region to accept the state, and then drawing on the resources of these regions to support development in the other regions. These goals are contradictory and it has been a difficult balancing act. Insofar as it has been successful and its ultimate success is still in uestion it is been due in considerable part to the commitment of the Spanish centre and the principal regions to ever wider European and international contacts (Gibbons, 1999, 35). The case of Catalonia is instructive. In the past thirty years, Catalan economic development has gone hand in hand with cultural nationalism, increasing linkages with the EU and with the wider world. The Catalan language has achieved predominance in public life in the region, in education, and in the communications media. The regions economic success and Barcelonas restige as a major European city give the Catalan government a prominence on the European stage and extra clout in negotiations with the centre. Catalonias increased external orientation is welcomed, not simply for the economic and cultural benefits it brings, but because it lessens the linkages with the Castillian centre. The extent to which Catalan nationalism is now content with its status as a nation-without-a-state (Keating, 1996) or the extent to which it is moving towards greater independence perhaps, at least initially, within a federal structure s a matter of some debate among scholars. What is clear, however, is that the increasing political freedom of the region, its increased prosperity and the reinforcement of Catalan identity has not overcome its ambivalence about being part of the Spanish state. One expression of this is resentment of the level of Catalan financial transfers to the central exchequer. This resentment is all the greater when it compares its fiscal powers with those of the Basque country. The challenge which such a high level of regionalisation has posed to the Spanish state, and deolgically to those strands of political opinion which believe in the essential unity of Spain, is considerable. In Catalonia the central state has effectively lost the cultural initiative and the re-establishment of Catalan as the first language has deepened the extent to which it is a place apart. At the same time autonomisation has not brought an end to violent Basque separatism. There are conflicts between centre and region about the extent of the regional powers the Spanish state, for example, has repeatedly challenged Basque industrial policy in he European Court of Justice (Loyer, 1999). There is tension around matters of protocol, for example welcoming of international statesmen, visits abroad, which have seemed to the state to be taking over the proper role of the sovereign state (Basset, 1998). Finally, there is competition between the regions around the extent of their powers which produces a dynamic towards ever greater autonomisation Catalonia looks for equivalent financial autonomy to the Basque country, and Andalucia will accept no less autonomy than Catalonia, and so on. At the same time the pace of development in the other regions remains slow. Further evidence that devolution becomes more popular with the passage of time is provided by the Spanish experience. As in Britain in the 1990s, the strong demands for autonomy in some Spanish regions in the late 1970s were not paralleled in the rest of the country, where there was no clear support for devolution. Yet, by 1996, opinion polls suggested that three-quarters of Spaniards felt either that the existing degree of autonomy granted to the regions should be maintained or enhanced. Furthermore, these responses appear to be underpinned by a strong degree of identification with the respective autonomous communities. In the same opinion poll just over two-thirds of respondents reported either that they identified only with their autonomous community or as much with their autonomous community as they did with Spain. In Spain, a complex sharing of functions between the national, regional and local levels of government has evolved since the late 1970s. Figure 3 shows that central government in Spain has exclusive powers over areas such as defence and macro-economic management but that it shares responsibility for many functions with the autonomous communities, including housing, social welfare and economic development. Similarly, local government is charged with functions such as land-use planning and community safety while also sharing responsibility with the autonomous communities in a number of areas, such as local transport and sports and leisure facilities. European experience therefore suggests that any decision regarding the powers to be devolved to regions is not simply a one-off re-allocation of functions between tiers of government. Rather, devolution triggers a dynamic process of bargaining between regional and national government over responsibilities and resources. Aside from the tendency for this to result in regions acquiring more functions, the other clear message to emerge is regional authorities, once established, will push strongly for greater autonomy, particularly in the management of their financial affairs. In Italy the regions lobbied strongly for tax-raising powers from 1983, eventually securing limited powers in this area in 1990. Similarly, the Spanish autonomous communities have claimed a rising share of income tax revenues, with some regions securing a greater degree of financial autonomy from the centre than others: in Catalonia 32 per cent of public expenditure is now controlled by the regional government, compared to an average of 25 per cent in Spain as a whole. Indeed, of the cases considered at the conference, only the Spanish regions could make any reasonable claim to being significant contributors to regional economic performance since they do at least share significant responsibility for economic development with central government. However, time-series data on economic performance in Spain suggest that regional economic disparities have only narrowed marginally over the past 15-20 years. Whether this modest decrease in regional disparity can be attributed specifically to the activities of regional governments, rather than, say, to national economic policy or the beneficial impact of Spanish membership of the EU, remains an open question. The staggered emergence of regionalism in the UK does have something of a parallel in the Spanish case. Following the transition to a democratic regime in the late 1970s, the new Spanish constitution provided for twin-track devolution. Under this framework, regions with strong nationalist claims for devolution were allowed to move quickly towards such arrangements. Thus, Catalonia and the Basque Country introduced regional government in 1979, followed in 1981 by Galicia and, largely on political grounds, Andalusia. The remaining 13 autonomous communities were then introduced in 1982-83. The principle of a two-speed process of devolution has since been maintained, with subsequent bargaining between central government and individual autonomous communities enabling regional governments in areas such as Catalonia and the Basque Country to take greater control over their own affairs. While the Spanish case suggests that asymmetric devolution is an option for the UK, it leaves open the question of what might happen if the English regions fail to embrace regional government. Asymmetric devolution would seem to be an appropriate response to the problem that there are different levels of aspiration to self-government. However, experience in Spain also implies that a staggered process of devolution will need to be supported by national co-ordination mechanisms which ensure that regions slow to move towards regional autonomy are not disadvantaged and are encouraged to be part of a consensus on how devolution should proceed.
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